Editorial
More of the Same
Parliamentary politics in India is too complex to be predicted. Here power equation defies logic. For most actors, big and small,
governance is the issue, rather the only issue, and they find the challenge of governing greater all the time, good season or bad. They have no answer to wide inequality in society. Nor can they deal effectively with the poor representation system and how people can participate more in the decisions affecting them at a time of ‘radical’ and fast change. Change is not that easy in any of the disturbed areas, but choice is simple—either change or be forced to change by events. Opposition parties, otherwise equally bankrupt like their ruling counterparts, cannot push any political agenda other than regime change. The idea of regime change is gaining currency across the world, thanks to Bush the senior. Opposition parties are lucky in the sense that they can always cash in on the incumbency factor without offering moon to the socially and economically disadvantaged. Congress in Chattisgarh is in opposition and they look determined to go ahead with their Parivartan Yatra (March to Change), notwithstanding recent casualties they suffered from the Maoist attacks during their much publicised Yatra. They are likely to resume their march from Keslur village near Jiram Ghati, the spot where its convoy was ambushed on May 25.
As they are in opposition in the state, sometimes they shed crocodile tears for the poor tribals and police atrocities they face day in and day out. Even before the May 25 incident paramilitary forces were systematically and routinely conducting raids on different tribal hamlets scattered in the fringe region of forests, while turning some areas into living hell. The Maoist offensive which was no less brutal, was aimed, so it seems, at thwarting combing operations by security forces. Tribals know what combing means.
As for regime change it worked well for the Congress in the recently held assembly poll in Karnataka. And they are now doubly encouraged to regain their lost paradise in Chattishgarh, particularly after the death of some of their top leaders, apparently for security lapses on the part of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Rumour has it that faction fight within Congress made things easier for the naxalities to go on the offensive. In truth power tussle within Congress matters little to the naxalities who are being forced to retaliate for sheer survival. Unless the Centre and State Government stop war against their own people, the circle of violence will continue to escalate and engulf more areas, shattering the myth of development.
When it is the question of tackling naxalism, they can think more of the same—applying brute force. The centre is all set to convene an all-party meeting to build consensus on how to confront the ‘Maoist menace’. But they have already held a special meeting of the Chief Ministers of naxalite-hit states, with the sole objective of how to increase police budgets of those states and liquidate the naxalities physically. The all-party meet can at worst endorse what has already been decided at the high-level meeting of chief ministers and police chiefs. Plainly speaking they are all united on the issue of naxalite threat to the system. For the parties there is not much to discuss though they are burning mid-night oil to deliver on one question—what is to be done?
Leftists in India are too cunning to be identified directly with the government’s paramilitary action but they are not averse to the idea of tough measures though they would quite often talk to take initiative to isolate the naxalites politically before launching massive man hunt. But they never did it in tackling Maoists when they were in power in Bengal. They didn’t try it even in the late sixties when the naxalities were not solely depending on guns to pursue their revolutionary goal.
The decline of the official left seems irreversible. And the far left symbolised by the Maoists (or naxalities) preferring only underground political work, are in no position to motivate masses in their millions despite systematic marginali-sation of large segments of the society living at many levels and continuing to remain fractured on caste and religious divides. They think they could resolve all unusual contradictions, not found in copy-book Marxist literature, without giving patient hearing to the age-old institutions and customs. They think they could unite all those who could be united without targeting a common enemy. In electoral politics what all they need is to find out some lapses on the part of the ruling establishment. As for the boycottists of election and legislature, gun is the answer to all problems, major and minor.
After so many years, naxalites, not to speak of official communists, have failed to articulate simple slogans with potential to mobilise masses irrespective of their caste, religion and community identities. Only at the initial phase the call for agrarian revolution coupled with urge for land reforms succeeded in attracting even middle class people as they would see in it a way out from stagnation and unemployment.
The tragedy is that naxalism (or for the matter Maoism) is being increasingly identified with tribal cause. While liberals and democrats justify tribal discontent from the angle of welfarism—or lack of it—Maoists think their Yenan model and that too in 21st century India, would succeed only by winning a section of tribal population, severely affected by neo-liberal growth strategy of the ruling elites. They have no idea as to how to address identity politics that stands in the path of class polarisation. Identity politics basically reflects middle class aspirations but subalterns too are easily swayed by its appeal. More and more people have begun to think only identity politics could open better opportunities for them. In essence identity politics is all about sharing exchequer and the situation is so bizarre that talk of ‘liberated zone’ (or Indian Yenan) sounds alien to have-nots and it has no potential to attract basic masses in their millions without which it is next to impossible for naxalites to overcome political isolation they have been in.
Frontier
Vol. 45, No. 49, June 16 -22, 2013
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